Swamscot Brewing
Economy, Local

Swamscot Brewing

Mar 28, 2026

The machine doesn’t announce itself. It settles into the room.

There’s a rhythm to it—glass against metal, a soft release of gas, the almost polite click of caps sealing—that takes a minute to notice and then, once you do, becomes impossible to ignore. It isn’t loud enough to dominate the space, but it fills it completely, the way an old clock fills a quiet house. You realize, after a few minutes, that everything else in the room is adjusting itself around that sound.

Tom Conner stands beside the bottling line at Squamscot Old Fashioned Beverages and watches the bottles pass. He doesn’t hover. He doesn’t rush. He lets the machine run and then, every so often, makes a small correction—a touch here, a glance there—so slight you could miss it if you weren’t looking for it. The adjustments don’t interrupt the rhythm. They become part of it.

This is how the place works. Not through automation in the modern sense, but through a kind of practiced attention that keeps things aligned without ever quite calling attention to itself. You get the sense that the machine and the person running it have reached an agreement over time, each compensating for the other in ways that no manual could fully explain.

That agreement is what’s about to end.

After more than 160 years of continuous operation, Squamscot is being put up for sale. Tom and Eileen Conner are retiring. There is no one lined up to take their place—not because the business has collapsed or even because it’s struggling in any immediate sense, but because the long chain of continuation that sustained it has quietly run out of links.

The easiest way to misunderstand this story is to read it as decline. Nothing here looks like failure. The equipment works. The product sells. The name still carries weight in the small geography it has always served. If you walked in without knowing anything about it, you wouldn’t assume you were standing inside a business at the edge of its existence. You would assume you were standing inside something stable, something that had already proven it could last.

That’s precisely the point.

The company was founded in the mid-nineteenth century, when soda was still a local product and distribution was measured in miles rather than regions. It grew alongside Newfields, New Hampshire, not as a separate economic entity but as part of the town’s texture—one of those places that didn’t need to advertise its presence because it was already woven into the routines of the people who lived nearby. Generations passed through it, some as owners, some as workers, most simply as customers who knew what they were getting without needing to think about it.

What changed over time was not the business itself so much as everything surrounding it. The soda industry reorganized around scale, and then around distribution, and then around data. Shelf space became negotiated territory. Pricing became a function of volume. Production became less about making something and more about optimizing how it moved. None of those shifts required a company like Squamscot to disappear, but each one narrowed the space in which it could comfortably operate.

So the company adapted, though not in the way we usually celebrate. It didn’t pivot or reinvent itself. It held its ground. It continued to produce soda the way it always had, relying on a combination of habit, local loyalty, and the quiet advantage of being known. Over time, that position was recast—not as normal, but as distinctive. What had once been standard became “old-fashioned.” What had been common became “special.” The business didn’t change categories so much as the category moved around it.

That kind of survival depends on something that doesn’t show up on balance sheets: continuity of knowledge. Watching Tom Conner at the bottling line, you begin to see how much of the operation lives outside formal systems. He reads the machine the way a mechanic reads an engine by ear, registering slight variations in sound or timing that signal when something needs attention. He adjusts before problems become visible, keeping the process within a narrow band of “close enough” that experience has taught him is actually exact.

It is the kind of knowledge that accumulates slowly and disappears quickly.

When people talk about selling a business like this, they tend to focus on tangible assets—equipment, inventory, brand, real estate. Those are all real, and they all matter. But they are not the whole of what is being transferred. The more delicate question is whether the intangible parts of the operation—the feel of it, the judgment embedded in routine—can move with it.

In many cases, they don’t.

A new owner can purchase the line, the recipes, even the name, but still find that something essential has shifted because the work is being interpreted differently. The soda may taste the same for a while. The labels may look identical. Yet the underlying process, the subtle decisions that shape the outcome, begins to drift. Over time, the product becomes a version of itself—recognizable, but not quite anchored in the same way.

That possibility sits in the background of the sale, even if no one states it outright. What happens next is not just a matter of ownership but of translation. Can what has been done here, in this particular way, be carried forward by someone who did not grow into it?

The broader pattern suggests how difficult that can be.

Across New England, businesses like this are reaching similar moments. Owners who started in the 1970s or earlier are stepping back. Their children, raised in a different economy, often choose paths that don’t lead back into the family operation. The work itself—physical, repetitive, tied to narrow margins—competes with alternatives that are cleaner, more flexible, and, in many cases, more lucrative. The regulatory environment has also grown more complex, layering compliance requirements onto operations that were originally designed for a simpler time.

None of these pressures, on their own, is decisive. Together, they create a threshold.

When the person who holds the operation together decides to stop, there is no obvious next step. The business can be sold, but not easily replicated. It can be continued, but not without adaptation. It can be closed, but not without consequence.

And so the question becomes less about whether Squamscot survives and more about what form that survival might take.

A buyer might preserve the operation largely as it is, recognizing that its value lies precisely in its continuity. That outcome requires a particular kind of motivation—part economic, part cultural—and it tends to be rare, though not impossible. More commonly, the brand is separated from the place. Production moves elsewhere, scaled or streamlined to fit a different model, while the original identity is retained as a signal to customers rather than a description of process.

The final possibility is the simplest to execute and the hardest to measure: the business closes, the assets are dispersed, and the property finds a new use. Along the Seacoast, where land values have risen steadily, that option carries its own logic. The ground beneath a small factory can, in some cases, be worth more than the factory itself.

Each path resolves the immediate question—what to do with the business—but answers a different, quieter one about what is allowed to continue.

For a town like Newfields, New Hampshire, those answers are not abstract. Places accumulate meaning through repetition, through the steady presence of things that do not need to be reintroduced every few years. When one of those things disappears, the change is not always dramatic, but it is noticeable. A small piece of the town’s internal map no longer corresponds to anything in the world.

You can see that awareness forming even before anything has actually changed. People begin to talk about the place in the past tense while it is still operating. They remember details more sharply. They assign significance to things that, until recently, required none.

Inside the building, the machine continues its quiet work. Bottles move through the line. Caps settle into place. The rhythm holds, steady and familiar, as if it has no reason to do anything else.

For now, it doesn’t.

But the continuity that sustained it is no longer guaranteed. The next set of hands has not appeared. The knowledge that lives in small adjustments and practiced attention has not been formally handed off. The system still functions, but the chain that carries it forward has thinned to a single link.

That is how these things end—not with a break, but with a pause that no one steps in to fill.

At some point, the machine will stop, whether briefly for a transition or permanently for good. When it does, the room will feel different in a way that is hard to describe until you’ve experienced it—the absence of a sound you didn’t realize had become part of how the place defined itself.

And once that absence settles in, it tends to stay.

The End of the Parking Lot Dividend
Local, Climate

The End of the Parking Lot Dividend

Mar 26, 2026

How Portsmouth, New Hampshire, is replacing retail with housing—and why Newington isn’t sure it can

The chain-link fence went up on a damp morning off Durgin Lane, the kind of coastal gray that flattens everything into a single tone until you notice the details—a forklift idling, a worker dragging plywood across the old entrance of the Bed Bath & Beyond, the faint geometry of parking lines that still pointed toward doors that no longer existed.

A man in a heavy winter jacket stopped near the curb, looked across the empty lot where the Christmas Tree Shops and Bed, Bath, and Beyond had been, and said to no one in particular, “That place paid for a lot more than what they sold.”

It did, though not in a way most people ever saw.

The loss of retail doesn’t just remove a store. It removes one of the most efficient components in a municipal tax system—an asset that generates high revenue while placing relatively limited sustained demand on services—and replaces it with something that may be more valuable on paper but behaves differently once people begin to live inside it.

That shift is what Portsmouth is now working through on this site, and what Newington is still negotiating around at Fox Run Mall.

The difference isn’t philosophical. It’s structural.

In New Hampshire, property taxes don’t distinguish between residential and commercial rates. A dollar of assessed value is taxed the same way whether it comes from an apartment or a retail box, which gives the system a kind of surface simplicity that disappears the moment you account for what each type of property requires in return.⁵

Retail concentrates value.

A big-box store sits on a large parcel, produces a high assessed value, and generates steady tax revenue without sending children into the school system and while placing relatively limited sustained demand on municipal services. Police calls occur, maintenance is required, but the baseline cost profile remains low relative to the revenue produced.

A former Portsmouth assessor, speaking in what he described as a common shorthand used in municipal finance discussions, put it this way: “Commercial property pays for services it doesn’t use. Residential uses services it doesn’t fully pay for.”

That formulation isn’t a law, but it captures the direction of the imbalance seen in municipal finance studies across the country.⁷

In its later years, the Durgin Lane retail site was assessed in the range of roughly $25–35 million, according to city property records, generating on the order of $400,000 to $600,000 annually in property taxes depending on the assessment cycle.¹² It did so with minimal ongoing service demand, functioning as a quiet surplus contributor within the city’s budget.

What replaces it—Prescott Post—is financed at nearly $100 million and will likely be assessed somewhere near that level once stabilized, which pushes annual tax revenue closer to $1.5–$2 million under Portsmouth’s combined tax rate.³

On paper, that looks like a clear upgrade.

The complication arrives with the people.

Residential property doesn’t just contribute revenue; it introduces recurring demand that scales with occupancy—public safety calls, infrastructure use, and, most significantly, education costs tied to school enrollment. The impact varies sharply depending on the type of housing, which is where multifamily projects like Prescott Post behave differently from suburban subdivisions.

Apartments compress both value and cost.

Units are smaller, infrastructure is shared, and the number of school-aged children per unit is typically low. Portsmouth planning assumptions for comparable multifamily developments have used working estimates of roughly 0.1 to 0.2 school-aged children per unit, a fraction of what single-family housing generates, which keeps the added school burden within a range that can be offset by higher assessed value.⁴

A city councilor, speaking during a housing discussion last year, framed the tradeoff more cautiously: “Apartments don’t come free. But if the valuation is high enough and the student count stays low, they can carry themselves.”

That conditional is doing real work.

Portsmouth approved the Durgin Lane redevelopment without offering a large tax concession because the underlying math, while not frictionless, is strong enough to support private financing. The project secured nearly $100 million in construction funding without requiring the city to redirect future tax revenue back into the development, preserving municipal control over the full tax base once the buildings are complete.³

A few miles away, the same confidence doesn’t exist.

At Fox Run Mall, the redevelopment proposal has leaned on a tax increment financing structure that would allow the developer to retain a significant share of future tax growth to pay for infrastructure. The request signals a different set of conditions: a declining asset, higher redevelopment costs, and a use mix that may not reproduce the combination of valuation and relatively low service demand that retail once provided.⁶

A Newington official, speaking during a recent discussion of the project, captured the hesitation: “We can’t assume the replacement will behave like the mall did. It probably won’t.”

That uncertainty is the hinge between the two towns.

Portsmouth is replacing underperforming retail with high-demand housing in a market where rents, occupancy, and financing all support the transition. The city is not betting that housing is more efficient than retail; it is accepting a shift from a surplus-generating land use to one that is closer to balance, where revenue and service demand rise together and must be managed in tandem.

Newington is facing a harder problem.

The mall, even diminished, represented a form of land use that concentrated tax revenue while keeping municipal costs comparatively low. Replacing it means moving into a more complex fiscal structure where the margin between what a property contributes and what it requires becomes narrower and less predictable.

The asphalt at Durgin Lane is mostly gone now, broken into sections where foundations will be poured, and the site has begun to shift from a place people passed through to a place where they will stay.

What used to be a parcel that generated several hundred thousand dollars annually while drawing little from the system is becoming one that may generate closer to two million dollars while also introducing a steady stream of service demand tied to hundreds of residents.

That is the trade, expressed in concrete terms.

The land will likely produce more revenue than it did at the end of its retail life, but it will no longer function as a quiet surplus inside the city’s budget. It will operate closer to equilibrium, where value and cost move together, and where the fiscal stability of the system depends less on isolated high-yield parcels and more on the aggregate behavior of the people who live there.

The parking lot is gone.

In its place is something that carries its weight differently.

Bibliography

1. City of Portsmouth, NH – Property Assessment Records. Municipal valuation data for Durgin Lane retail parcels used to estimate prior assessed value and tax contribution.

2. Rockingham County Registry of Deeds – Parcel Records (Portsmouth, NH). Public land and ownership records supporting valuation range and site history.

3. Boston Real Estate Times – “$96.8 Million Secured for 360-Unit Apartment Project in Portsmouth, NH.” Reporting on financing and scale of Prescott Post development.

4. City of Portsmouth Planning Board Documents – Multifamily Development Reviews. Includes planning assumptions on school-age children per unit (approx. 0.1–0.2 range).

5. New Hampshire Department of Revenue Administration – Municipal Tax Rate Structure. Documentation confirming single-rate property tax system across property classes.

6. Town of Newington, NH – Public Meeting Minutes (Fox Run Mall Redevelopment). Discussions of proposed Tax Increment Financing (TIF) and redevelopment uncertainties.

7. Lincoln Institute of Land Policy – “Cost of Community Services Studies.” Research showing typical fiscal patterns of residential vs. commercial land use and service demand.

8. American Planning Association – Fiscal Impact Analysis Resources. Frameworks for evaluating municipal revenue versus service cost across land-use types.

Climate, Local

The Smell of Victory

Oct 6, 2025

The sour-sweet tang of stale beer still clung to the concrete beneath Section 311 at Fenway Park, three hours after the final out. A kid in a faded Varitek jersey shuffled past an old-timer in a Larry Bird cap, both clutching nearly-empty trays of sausage and peppers. They weren’t just fans—they were witnesses. You could hear it in their silence, in the way they paused before descending the final step into the street. Boston had won again. But here, winning was never casual. It was cultural.

Across fifty years, four cities—Boston, New York, Los Angeles, and San Francisco—have hoarded more than half the major pro sports championships in America¹. Not because they’re the biggest or richest. Not because they have the flashiest arenas or the most viral highlight reels. But because, somewhere deep in their wiring, they converted pressure into muscle memory. Winning isn’t luck — it’s a discipline, rehearsed across decades, embedded in culture, passed on like language.

“Don’t let us win tonight.” Kevin Millar’s dare before Game 4 of the 2004 ALCS wasn’t just clubhouse gallows humor. It was prophecy. The Red Sox would win four straight, demolish the Yankees, and end the 86-year curse with a title. That comeback was powered not by payrolls, but by preparation: Dave Roberts’ studied timing, Ortiz’s mental torque, Theo Epstein’s farm-built depth. Boston didn’t luck into greatness. It codified it².

So did the Patriots. In the Belichick–Brady era, “Do Your Job” wasn’t a banner slogan — it was a doctrine. Each player’s role was distilled into manageable, rehearsed situations. Malcolm Butler’s Super Bowl–sealing interception came not from divine intervention, but from a scout-team rep drilled into his bones during practice. They didn’t hope for heroics; they planned for inevitabilities³.

Even the Celtics — the most storied NBA franchise this side of the Mason–Dixon line — treated ritual like religion. Red Auerbach lit cigars before the final buzzer, a psychological warfare move that cemented victory as identity. Johnny Most’s call — “Havlicek stole the ball!” — still echoes through the rafters⁴. That moment wasn’t just about a steal. It was about belief, broadcast.

In New York, belief manifests differently. It’s bombast backed by cold steel. “I’m the straw that stirs the drink,” Reggie Jackson announced in 1977, before smashing three homers in one World Series game⁵. When Mark Messier guaranteed a Game 6 win in the 1994 NHL Finals, it wasn’t locker-room bravado. It was a public bet with every back page editor in the city — and he delivered a hat trick⁶.

But for all the noise, New York’s dynasties have been built on quiet continuity. Brian Cashman, Yankees GM since 1998, rebuilt the roster across decades, threading stars through a homegrown pipeline⁷. Even the Knicks’ glory years were grounded in Holzman’s defensive geometry and Reed’s stoic presence.

Out west, San Francisco cultivated a different kind of pressure fluency — one rooted in innovation and calm. In the huddle before a 92-yard drive, Montana glanced up — “Hey, isn’t that John Candy?” — all poise. Walsh had already scripted the first fifteen plays, turning chaos into reconnaissance⁸.

The 49ers weren’t just good. They were a system. Walsh’s West Coast offense propagated through generations of coaches⁹. The Giants’ even-year run turned matchup discipline and pitching preservation into postseason craft — what Kuiper dubbed “torture”¹⁰. Bumgarner’s five-inning save in Game 7? “Just getting outs,” he shrugged¹¹.

Golden State’s dynasty followed suit. Spacing, tempo, shooting — redesigned around Curry’s gravity. Kerr’s four pillars — Joy, Mindfulness, Compassion, Competition — weren’t TED-talk fluff; they were ops manuals¹². And when Draymond Green called Kevin Durant the night they lost the 2016 Finals, the recruiting wasn’t desperation — it was a venture pitch¹³.

“Strength in Numbers.” The Warriors’ mantra wasn’t aesthetic. It was architectural.

Los Angeles, the ultimate star machine, ran on a blend of ruthlessness and polish. Pat Riley’s “three-peat” wasn’t just a goal — it was a trademark, filed during the 1988–89 Lakers run¹⁴. Magic’s “junior skyhook,” Kobe’s glower — “Job’s not finished” — and LeBron’s gravity weren’t isolated moments. They were parts of a tradition that married flash to fundamentals. The Lakers didn’t just entertain. They endured.

The Dodgers, too, became a model of scalable dominance. Vin Scully’s 1988 call — “In a year that has been so improbable, the impossible has happened” — framed Kirk Gibson’s home run as destiny¹⁵. But destiny came from development. In the Friedman era, L.A. churned out prospects, blended stars, and engineered wins without tanking¹⁶.

Even the Kings — once a punchline in hockey circles — turned the Gretzky trade into a generational pivot¹⁷. By the 2010s, they’d evolved into a forecheck-dominant, puck-possession machine under coach Darryl Sutter — outworking opponents, controlling tempo, and lifting two Stanley Cups in three years¹⁸.

Across all these cities, the patterns compound. Stability at the top begets coherence at the bottom. Owners who empower visionaries — Auerbach, Walsh, Kerr/Lacob, Epstein, Friedman — end up with teams that win not just once, but cyclically. These dynasties don’t merely capture lightning — they wire the building.

And for every city that wires the building, dozens don’t — undone by impatient owners, revolving-door leadership, or the absence of a story worth retelling.

It’s not just systems, though. It’s story.

The Celtics had Russell’s poise and Bird’s arrogance. The Yankees had DiMaggio’s grace and Jeter’s geometry. The Warriors had Curry’s joy and Green’s snarl. The Patriots made cold execution a lifestyle. These weren’t just rosters. They were myths, re-affirmed by announcers and newspaper column inches, retold in family kitchens and barroom debates. Culture wasn’t an accessory. It was infrastructure.

And narrative isn’t just memory — it’s mechanism. Story attracts stars, steadies fans, and justifies patience when the scoreboard doesn’t.

“Ya Gotta Believe.” Tug McGraw’s rallying cry for the 1973 Mets lives not because it rhymed, but because it worked¹⁹. Because belief, when embedded into process, becomes something more powerful than luck.

Back at Fenway, the lights flicker off row by row. The concrete breathes in the chill. That smell — the mix of hot dog grease and wet cardboard and beer — hangs in the air like smoke after a fire. Not quite pleasant. Not quite gone. But unmistakably tied to victory.

Because this isn’t just about titles. It’s about continuity in a country that’s always rebranding. These dynasties anchor people to eras, neighborhoods, families. They create rituals where none existed, forge memory from noise, and — just maybe — give cities something rarer than a win: something worth believing in when the lights go out.

Bibliography

¹ “Fenway Park Timeline.” MLB.com. Overview of key Fenway Park moments and cultural impact.

² “Do Your Job: The Bill Belichick Era.” NFL Films. Documentary explaining the Patriots’ team culture and system.

³ Montville, Leigh. Why Not Us? The 2004 Red Sox and the Season That Changed Everything. Explores the 2004 ALCS comeback.

⁴ Vecsey, George. “Messier Delivers on His Promise.” New York Times, May 26, 1994. Coverage of Messier’s Game 6 guarantee and hat trick.

⁵ Chass, Murray. “Jackson’s Stirring Statement.” The New York Times, Oct 1977. Details Reggie Jackson’s quote and impact.

⁶ Young, Steve. QB: My Life Behind the Spiral. Recounts pressure and leadership in 49ers dynasty.

⁷ Walsh, Bill. The Score Takes Care of Itself. Breakdown of 49ers’ organizational philosophy.

⁸ “2014 World Series Game 7.” MLB Network. Bumgarner’s legendary performance and postgame quotes.

⁹ Lacob, Joe. “We’re Light-Years Ahead.” New York Times, April 2016. Interview on Warriors’ organizational innovation.

¹⁰ Kerr, Steve. Interviews on Coaching Culture. The Athletic, 2019–2022. Quotes on values and team ethos.

¹¹ Scully, Vin. “1988 World Series Game 1 Call.” MLB Archives. Iconic broadcast of Gibson’s home run.

¹² Friedman, Andrew. “Dodgers’ Systemic Success.” ESPN Insider, 2022. Insight into L.A.’s farm system and roster strategy.

¹³ Gretzky, Wayne. 99: Stories of the Game. Notes on Islanders’ dynasty and locker room anecdote.

¹⁴ Kuiper, Duane. “Giants Baseball: Torture.” CSN Bay Area, 2010. Quote origin and narrative function.

¹⁵ Most, Johnny. “Havlicek Stole the Ball!” NBA Archives, 1965. Celtics’ cultural moment.

¹⁶ “Tug McGraw and the 1973 Mets.” Mets.com. Oral history of slogan and its effects.

¹⁷ Sterling, John. “Theeeee Yankees Win!” YES Network. Recurring broadcast slogan and branding.

¹⁸ Riley, Pat. The Winner Within. Philosophy behind Lakers dynasty and “three-peat” trademark.

¹⁹ Cashman, Brian. “Yankees Stability Plan.” Sports Illustrated, 2020. Long-term roster management overview.

²⁰ Epstein, Theo. “Red Sox Roster Building.” The Boston Globe, 2005–2018. Development, culture, and scouting notes.

Politics, Local

The Weight Of The Word

Sep 14, 2025

The scent of coffee curled through the kitchen like a peace offering. Brad stood zipped up by the window, arms folded, shoes still wet from the driveway. He hadn’t sat down yet, and that said enough.

“I want to know what you think,” he said, skipping hello. “About the Charlie Kirk shooting.”

I kept my voice level. “I think it’s murder. Horrific. Indefensible. Anyone justifying that is off the rails.”

He nodded once, barely. Then: “Still. This is what happens when you normalize that word.”

“What word?”

“Fascist.” His jaw clenched. “You throw tha on OK t around long enough, someone decides it’s open season. That’s the problem.”

We’ve known each other thirty years. Once, we were both “small c” conservatives. Balanced budgets. Personal liberty. Keep government lean, keep your nose out of my business. But over time, the Republican Party and conservatism changed. I worried about the cost, wealth inequality, the Citizens United decision, and privacy erosion. Brad started quoting Tucker Carlson.

Brad was former Navy, a lawyer, then FBI. He still believed in institutions. Me? I wasn’t so sure anymore. But I still listened when he spoke, which is why this conversation hurt. The tension wasn’t political. It was personal.

I said what I knew. “The shooter’s motives aren’t clear. No manifesto. No party affiliation. Some of those engravings were meme soup. It doesn’t add up to ideology.”

Brad didn’t listen. “You call someone a fascist, debate’s over. Next step is, do whatever it takes. That’s the danger.”

He wasn’t loud. Just certain. That’s what stuck with me after he left—maybe he was right. So I went looking. Not for arguments—I’ve had enough of those—but for history. For expertise. What did the people who’d studied fascism, not just feared it, have to say?

“Fascism doesn’t march. It reorganizes the org chart.”

Robert Paxton resisted the word for decades—until January 6, when he called it “necessary.”¹ Roger Griffin warned that it begins with the myth of national rebirth.² Jason Stanley noted it spreads by bureaucracy, not boots.³ Three scholars, three angles, circling the same alarm.

What struck me wasn’t their conclusion—it was their reluctance. These weren’t partisans. They had avoided the word precisely because it was radioactive. And yet, they were using it now—not to score points, but to warn.

They agreed on one thing: it isn’t a switch. It’s a drift. You see it in the small, qunremarkable edits of civic life. A parent who stops asking questions at a school board meeting. A clerk who suddenly needs three forms of ID for the same ballot.

And once the machinery adjusts—agencies renamed, missions reassigned—the sound isn’t thunder. It’s quieter: the shuffle of papers set aside, the microphone left unused, the moment a voice dies before it reaches the air.

“The danger arrives quietly—felt first in the pause before someone speaks.”

I saw it firsthand at a rally in Manchester, New Hampshire. Trump had just finished declaring that immigrants were “poisoning the blood of our country.”⁴ The crowd roared. Later, in the parking lot, a man leaned against his truck and told a local reporter, “He’s just saying what we all know. Nobody else is brave enough.” The line was ordinary, unshaken. That was the point. Suspicion had already become common sense.

A week later, a teacher in Concord told me about her fourth graders. She had a book in her hands—something ordinary, Charlotte’s Web. She caught herself before reading aloud, because it was on a list someone had flagged as “age-inappropriate.” She wasn’t sure if anyone in the room would complain. She wasn’t sure if anyone outside would. So she set the book down and picked another. That moment—hesitation, then silence—was the curriculum.⁵

That’s what I wanted to tell Brad when he came back. But he spoke first.

“Trump’s a narcissist, sure. A grifter. But fascism? That’s organized. Disciplined. The guy couldn’t run a sewing circle.”

“So you don’t think he’s a fascist?” I asked, sliding another cartridge into the Keurig.

“I think the steps matter more than the label. You walk enough of them, you don’t need to shout Heil.” He paused, then jabbed the air. “And don’t tell me it’s only him. The left—your side—they’ve got their tricks too. Slap Hitler on a guy, boom, you never have to listen.”

“You mean like calling journalists enemies of the people? Or telling crowds that immigrants are poisoning the blood of the nation?”

“See?” His voice rose, then flattened. “You’ve got your list, I’ve got mine. Same damn playbook.”

“The silence between us wasn’t awkward. It was historical.”

Two people raised in the same civic vocabulary were now speaking different dialects. What I’ve come to believe is this: Anti-fascism isn’t a leftist monopoly. Churchill wasn’t a socialist.⁶ The Catholic monks who defied Franco weren’t liberals. The German officers who tried to kill Hitler weren’t Democrats. Liz Cheney isn’t anyone’s progressive icon, and she warned her party that populist authoritarianism had crossed a line.⁷ You can believe in markets and still see the danger.

Fascism’s enemies aren’t left or right. They’re anyone who values liberty more than loyalty.

Brad looked up again. “So what do you think happens next?”

I didn’t answer right away. The coffee had gone cold. Outside, the puddles in the driveway were getting deeper.

Finally, I said: “History doesn’t wait for us to get the word right.”

He stood, zipped up again, nodded once. No handshake, no goodbye. He walked to the door.

Bibliography

1. Robert O. Paxton, “I’d called Trumpism an ‘incipient fascism.’ Now I believe it represents something more dangerous,” Newsweek, January 11, 2021. Paxton, a leading historian of fascism, shifted from resisting the term to endorsing its use after the January 6 attack.

2. Roger Griffin, The Nature of Fascism (London: Routledge, 1991). Griffin’s influential theory defines fascism as rooted in myths of national rebirth, or “palingenesis.”

3. Jason Stanley, How Fascism Works: The Politics of Us and Them (New York: Random House, 2018). Stanley argues that modern authoritarian movements rely on institutions and propaganda rather than overt violence.

4. “Trump repeats claim immigrants are ‘poisoning the blood of our country,’” Associated Press, December 16, 2023. Reporting on Trump’s rally remarks in New Hampshire where he used language echoing white nationalist tropes.

5. Sarah Mearhoff, “New Hampshire teachers navigate book bans, fear of backlash,” Concord Monitor, October 22, 2023. Local reporting on teachers hesitating to read aloud books flagged by parents and school boards.

6. Winston S. Churchill, The Second World War: The Gathering Storm (Boston: Houghton Mifflin, 1948). Churchill consistently defined his wartime fight against fascism from a conservative position, underscoring that anti-fascism was not limited to the left.

7. Liz Cheney, remarks at the Ronald Reagan Presidential Library, Simi Valley, CA, June 29, 2022. Cheney warned her party about Trump’s authoritarian turn, positioning herself as a conservative defender of democratic norms.

The Quiet State
Local, Economy

The Quiet State

Jun 4, 2025

On a cold February morning, Arnuel Marquez Colmenarez walked into a Nashua courthouse to settle a misdemeanor. Minutes later, he was tackled by federal agents in the lobby and hauled away in front of stunned onlookers. One elderly man using a cane was knocked over in the scuffle. There was no warning, no explanation, and no warrant presented.

“Even people with valid asylum claims, work permits, or jobs are very frightened.” — Sarah Jane Knoy, Granite State Organizing Project

The arrest—recorded on surveillance footage and shared in grainy clips across social media—reverberated far beyond the courthouse walls. It marked a turning point. Not because it was the first such action in New Hampshire, but because it confirmed what many had feared: nowhere is safe.

That sense of insecurity has spread quickly. New Hampshire wasn’t supposed to be a frontline. It’s not Boston. It’s not the border. But immigration enforcement here has grown quieter and more brazen all at once—unannounced visits to restaurants, raids without warrants, courthouse detentions mid-arraignment.

In Concord, agents walked into a popular Mexican restaurant and took two workers off the line during a Friday lunch rush. No charges. No accusations. Just gone.

“I live in a state that has a slogan: ‘Live Free or Die.’ We’re seeing this kind of approach that is undermining that.”

That’s from a Peterborough business owner, one of many who watched as four employees at Mi Jalisco were pulled out of kitchens and off registers this winter. The co-owner, Genaro Quezada, said simply: “We’re working people. Everything is legal.” The raid forced a temporary closure and left regulars rattled.

Even children have been caught in the wake. One 8-year-old boy saw the arrest from the parking lot. His grandmother, Naomi Kroposky-Zyck, said he’s now afraid his school friends might “disappear.”

What’s happening isn’t about criminality. It’s about visibility. Even people with asylum claims, Temporary Protected Status, or green card applications are being detained.

Yolanda, a Randolph mother of two, begged for her diabetic husband’s release after he was held ten days without medication. “We’d rather he be deported than suffer here,” she said. ICE never answered her calls.

At Dartmouth, students seeking clarity got only silence. When they asked what would happen if ICE came to campus, there was no plan, no statement, no reassurance.

“Is there an emergency plan if ICE starts deporting students? President Beilock isn’t addressing this.” — Alejandra Carrasco Alayo, international student from Peru

While institutions remain quiet, the loudest opposition has often come from those not directly targeted—teachers, clergy, and local officials who now see federal policy in their own backyards.

In Manchester, Diane Kolifrath stood outside the airport waving a handmade sign: “Boycott Evil Avelo.” The airline had accepted a contract to fly deportation flights.

Kolifrath didn’t mince words: “People are being abducted and moved out of state without any crime committed or any due process.”

Her protest didn’t stop the flights. But it did break the silence. For the first time in a long while, some local officials began asking real questions.

“Are the people in jail? Do they need lawyers? The mystery is what set people off.” — Ciaran Nagle, Peterborough resident

That mystery—the secrecy surrounding ICE operations—isn’t incidental. It’s the point. Detention sites won’t confirm who they’re holding. Families scramble for answers. Fiancées track GPS pings through jail walls. Volunteers stage vigils outside Strafford County Jail, where the lights stay on long past midnight.

Every few nights, Maggie Fogarty drives to the jail with a box of candles and handwritten signs. She’s there to bear witness.

“Larger numbers are being deported now. The demand for help feels unrelenting.”

Fogarty is far from alone. Last August, more than 500 people marched to the jail from across New England. They carried photographs. Birth certificates. Missing persons flyers. It wasn’t just a protest—it was a roll call.

Eva Castillo, one of the march organizers, called it what it was: “We demand an end to the detention machine.”

Officially, New Hampshire remains a state with no sanctuary laws and limited immigrant protections. But on the ground, something is shifting. Teachers, clergy, even restaurant owners are beginning to question what kind of state they’re living in.

“If you are here illegally, you are not welcome in New Hampshire,” said State Rep. Joe Sweeney, defending his anti-sanctuary bill.

It’s a clear statement. So are the posters showing up in kitchens and break rooms across the state: Know Your Rights. Do Not Open the Door.

The irony cuts deep. The “Live Free or Die” state is now home to unmarked vans and secret detentions. No charges, no warrants, no trial.

Just fear—and the question left hanging in every church basement, high school classroom, and courthouse lobby:

Who’s next?

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